The Unabomber Manifesto, Part 7: Revolution and Leftism

Industrial Society and its Future, Cont’d

The following continues a condensed summary of the Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society and its Future.  The ideas, below, are Kaczynski’s.  The headings and numbers are his.   This is no endorsement of violence or anarchy. The document is presented in parts.  Previous parts include:

Strategy
  1. Technology is recklessly driving us into the unknown. Many understand this, but think it’s inevitable.  It can be stopped, says Kaczynski.
  2. Our two tasks, he says, are to heighten social stress and to propagate an ideology opposed to industrial society.  This will further destabilize a distressed system, he argues, making revolution possible.  This follows the same pattern as the French and Russian Revolutions, he says.
  3. The French and Russian Revolutions failed at their utopian goals, but succeeded at destroying the old societies.  The idea of creating an ideal society, Kaczynski says, is an illusion.
  4. Human psychology requires that our ideology have a positive goal, Kaczynski says.  Our goal, he proposes, should be Nature – Earth and mankind in its natural state, free from organized society.  Opposing technology (a negative goal) is less motivating.
  5. Nature is the opposite of technology.  Nature is beautiful.  It requires no utopian ideal.  We came from it.  We can coexist with it.  Industrial society attacks nature.  If industrial society fails, nature’s scars can heal.  Then, we will live with nature and close to nature.
  6. We will suffer negative consequences, but everything comes at a price, says Kaczynski.
  7. We must develop ideology on two levels, he says, because most people hate psychological conflict.
  8. Ideology should have one level that is rational, intelligent, and thoughtful.  This attracts an influential, capable, and intelligent core of people who fully understand the ambiguities and the costs.  We must be truthful.  Deception will undermine and destroy the ideology.
  9. Ideology should have a second level that is simpler.  This attracts the majority who see things in unambiguous terms.  We must be careful of irrational, incendiary language because mob tactics might alienate the rational core.  Mob tactics, he says, help only when the end is near.
  10. History is made by active, determined minorities, not the majority.  Revolutionaries win with a small, deeply committed core, not shallow majority support.  Revolutionaries shouldn’t ignore the majority.  They shouldn’t seek majority support at the expense of the seriously committed core.
  11. The general strategy should avoid blaming the public.  The strategy should blame the powerful elite (oppressor).  The public are victims (oppressed).
  12. The general strategy should target the powerful elite (oppressor).  Other social conflicts distract from the main conflict (powerful versus weak, technology versus nature).  Other conflicts (ethnic, ideological, regional) undermine the main conflict.  The system only responds with more technology.
  13. Ethnic conflicts are unimportant, Kaczynski argues.  Minorities may be disadvantaged, he says, but the real enemy is the industrial-technological system.
  14. This revolution focuses on technology and economics, not politics, he says.  This is not necessarily violence or an armed uprising.
  15. The goal is not political power.  Political power is self-defeating.  The majority of voters would force elected officials to betray the cause or be voted out of office.  This revolution must come from outside.
  16. This revolution must be international, worldwide, and simultaneous.  An attempt to overthrow the system may end in dictatorship.  That risk is worth taking, Kaczynski argues.  Dictator-controlled systems are prone to break down.
  17. One strategy, he says, is to support international trade agreements that bind the world economy in interdependence.  This makes the world economy more susceptible to breakdown.  The breakdown of one industrialized nation may spread contagion that destroys others.
  18. Our problem is not that modern man enjoys too much power and control over nature.  The problem is that industrial society is too powerful and controlling.  Our personal power is slight.
  19. The collective power of industrial society is the problem.  The collective power of primitive society was negligible .
  20. Our goal isn’t to make modern man powerless, argues Kaczynski, we must break the power of the industrial system and return power to individuals and small groups.
  21. Our only goal, he argues, is to destroy the industrial system. Other goals are costly and dangerous distractions.  They tempt us to use technology and fall back into the technological trap.
  22. “Social justice” only reinforces the system.  To achieve its goals, it depends upon the technological system.
  23. Revolution is hopeless without some modern technology. It should be used only to attack the technological system, he says, because technology is too tempting.
  24. The human race is tempted by technology like an alcoholic is tempted by a barrel of wine.
  25. Revolutionaries should have many children, he suggests.  Science indicates that social attitudes are partly inherited.  Social attitudes tend to correlate with personality traits.  Personality traits are partly inherited.  In addition, children tend to share their parents’ social attitudes.
  26. Unfortunately, revolutionaries are less likely to have children because they are more concerned about population.  This works against them.
  27. Our single overriding goal must be to eliminate modern technology, says Kaczynski, with no competing goals.  Revolutionaries must be empirical, he says, find what works, and do only that.
Two Kinds of Technology
  1. It can’t be argued that the proposed revolution is bound to fail based on the claim that technology has never regressed.
  2. Technology has regressed in the past.  There are two kinds of technology.  Small-scale technology can be used independently by small communities.  Organization-dependent technology depends upon larger social organization.  Small-scale technology has never significantly regressed.  Organization-dependent technology has regressed, when social organization broke down.  When the Roman Empire fell, small-scale technology survived (e.g., water wheels).  Organization-dependent technology regressed (aqueducts, road construction, urban sanitation).
  3. Technology seems to have never regressed because most pre-industrial technology was small-scale.  Today, most technology is organization-dependent.  Simple items like refrigerators depend on large scale industrial organization: factories, power generation, power transmission, parts and service that depend on more industrial organization.
  4. Organization-dependent technology regresses when social organization breaks down.  Once lost, industrial society might take centuries to rebuild.
  5. Industrial society might not rebuild, at all.  Maybe it only develops under special conditions.  It developed rapidly only in Europe, not other civilizations (Islam, India, Asia).  Historians speculate why.
  6. Might industrial society be reborn?  Maybe, Kaczynski concludes, but it is not our worry.
The Danger of Leftism
  1. Leftists transform non-leftist movements into leftist movements.  Movements attract leftists because leftists need to rebel or identify with mass movements.  Large numbers of leftists, then, replace the original goals with leftist goals.
  2. A movement that exalts nature and opposes technology must oppose leftism.  It must not collaborate with leftists.  Leftism seeks only power – to control industrial society in the name of the collective.  It is the enemy of human freedom and nature.
  3. The anarchist seeks power, also – only for individuals and small groups to control their own lives.  The anarchist opposes technology because it forces dependence on large organizations.
  4. History shows that leftists might oppose technology, only until they gain power.  Once in control, they’d use technology for oppression.  The Bolsheviks opposed censorship and secret police, until they gained power.  Once in control, they imposed tighter censorship and more ruthless secret police.  University leftists supported academic freedom, until they gained power.  Once in control, they stifled others’ academic freedom.
  5. History shows that non-leftist revolutionaries are fools if they collaborate with leftists.  History shows that leftists betray their collaborators, and seize power.  Robespierre, the Bolsheviks, Spanish communists, and Castro all betrayed their revolutionary compatriots.
  6. Leftism is a kind of secular religion.  It is empty of spirituality, but is irrational and based on faith, not reason or facts.  It seeks to impose a morality on others.  It meets a deep human need for religion.  Leftism, refers to a spectrum of beliefs, aligned with the old left – feminism, gay rights, political correctness, etc.
  7. Leftism is totalitarian.  When leftists gain power, they forcibly invade every corner of life and seek to mold every thought.  In the leftist religion, all else is sin.  More importantly, they have a never ending drive for power, that is insatiable.  When they meet one goal, they must move on to another cause, and so on.
  8. Leftism is not motivated by distress at society’s ills.  It is motivated by the drive for power, to impose their solutions on society.
  9. For the oversocialized left, the struggle to impose their morality on everyone is their only means to pursue power.
  10. Oversocialized leftists are True Believers, single-mindedly devoted to their cause.  True Believers may be necessary for revolution, but also threaten to undermine it, if also committed to other ideals.
  11. This generally describes leftist movements.  This may not describe particular individuals or even a majority of leftists, who might be more tolerant or less totalitarian.
  12. Power hungry leftists rise to power in leftist movements.  They strive hardest for power because they are power hungry.  They hold onto power because the faithful don’t oppose them.  They crush any opposition because they are ruthless and organized.
  13. This is the historical pattern.  Western leftists excused the evils of the Soviet Union and communist countries.  They blamed the West, and excused communist aggression.  They excused the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, but blamed the US in Vietnam.  Their leftist faith stopped them from opposing communist evil.  In universities today, they excuse suppression of academic freedom.
  14. Leftism has totalitarian tendencies, however mild and tolerant individuals might be.
  15. Still, the word “leftist” remains poorly defined.  There is a whole spectrum of activist movements.  Some are leftist, some partly so.  We must use our own judgment.
  16. We can list some criteria to identify leftism.  It isn’t clear cut.
  17. Leftists favor collectivism.  They emphasize our duty to serve society, and society’s duty to care for us. They frown on individualism.  They moralize.  They support gun control, sex education, social planning,  affirmative action, and multiculturalism.  They identify with victims.  They oppose competition and violence (but excuse leftist violence).  They spout phrases, like “racism,” “sexism,” “homophobia,” “capitalism,” “imperialism,” “neocolonialism,” “genocide,” “social change,” “social justice,” “social responsibility.”  They support feminism, gay rights, ethnic rights, disability rights, animal rights, political correctness.  Strong support of all of this is almost certainly leftist.
  18. Power-hungry leftists are often arrogant and dogmatic.  The most dangerous are passive-aggressive “crypto-leftists”.  They mask their leftism and quietly work to promote collectivist values in education and to foster dependency.  Crypto-leftists don’t seem radical, but are highly motivated True Believers, driven by deep psychological needs.
Final Note
  1. These arguments are a crude approximation of the truth.  Many are imprecise and qualified.  Some may be wrong.  We can only generalize, based on imperfect information and intuition.
  2. These general outlines seem roughly correct.  Perhaps, leftism is not peculiar to modern times nor the result of power process disruption.  The oversocialized and power driven have long imposed their morality on others.  Their motivation still seems to be feelings of inferiority, low self-esteem, and powerlessness.  Modern leftism seems peculiar in its low self-esteem and identification with victims.  This is different from early Christian and early leftist sympathy for victims.  The truth of that question is left to historians.

The Unabomber Manifesto, Part 6: Crossroads

Industrial Society and its Future, Cont’d

The following continues a condensed summary of the Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society and its Future.  The ideas, below, are Kaczynski’s.  The headings and numbers are his.   This is no endorsement of violence or anarchy. The document is presented in parts.  Previous parts include:

Revolution is Easier Than Reform
  1. The only way forward is to reinvent the system, says Kaczynski, because reform can’t protect freedom. This means revolution – radical and fundamental change.
  2. Revolution may be easier than reform because revolution offers greater goals and inspires greater commitment.  Reform offers lesser goals and inspires less commitment.  Psychology favors revolution over reform because revolution offers rewards, while reform avoids punishment (negative outcomes).
  3. Revolution is unrestrained by the fear that cripples reform. Revolution’s fever makes hardships endurable.  The French and Russian Revolutions show how committed minorities can dominate society.
Control of Human Behavior
  1. When society pushes us too far, we reinvent society.  Societies have always pressured us to serve.  It pressures us physically and mentally.  We have limits.  When pushed too far, we break down and society breaks down.  Then, we reinvent society.
  2. In the past, human limits were society’s limits. Now, industrial society may be ready to reinvent us.
  3. Society is already remaking our minds.  It medicates us to alleviate the suffering it inflicts on us.  Clinical depression is soaring.  It gives us drugs, so we can tolerate the intolerable.
  4. Drugs are just one example of how society controls our behavior.  There is more.
  5. Society uses technology and the surveillance state to better control us, gathering vast amounts of information about us.  Mass media propagandizes us: shaping our opinions, manipulating elections, selling us things.  Mass entertainment occupies us, distracts us, so we can escape reality.
  6. Industrial society strikes deeper, still.  Education moves from teaching to indoctrination.  “Parenting” becomes training our children to be worker bees. “Mental health” becomes enforcing conformity.
  7. Psychological control is effective but may not be enough.  Industrial society may resort to biological means.  Maybe, we’ll move from drugs to modifying the human mind.  Genetic engineering may turn to neural engineering more suitable brains.
  8. The system is under stress and must defend itself from human threats.  It must control human behavior against human threats: extremism, terrorism, ideological conflict, ethnic conflict, crime, psychological problems, social disruption, corruption, and more.  It must use any practical means to control us.
  9. Our society may survive by surpassing human limits.  This is a watershed moment in our history.  In the past, we reinvented society when pushed past our limits.  Future society may reinvent us.
  10. Society’s control over human behavior won’t appear in totalitarian garb, with totalitarian intent.  It appears in humanitarian garb, with beneficial intent.  Each step appears a rational response to a social ill.  Each justification appears beneficial, rarely counting the costs.
  11. This is not calculated authoritarianism, but rapid social evolution.  It is irresistible.  Each advance appears beneficial or the lesser of evils.  Propaganda is turned to “good” ends.
  12. Genetic engineering of mankind will not be due to our faults, but due to technological society’s demands.  We are not faulty if unnatural demands exceed our natural limits.  We are not faulty if an unnatural system makes us suffer.  We did not evolve from the natural world for this.
  13. Our society twists the meaning of “sickness”.  It defines “sickness” as thoughts or behavior that poorly serve its ends.  Those who fit poorly are surely suffering and problematic.  So, it is good that we “cure” their “sickness”.
  14. The technology of human behavior changes society.  What is optional, today, is necessary, tomorrow.  We need ever more education and tutoring to compete; ever more drugs to manage stress; ever more entertainment to escape.  This fuels a vicious cycle that demands ever more of us.
  15. The technology of human behavior may acquire near total control.  Our thoughts and behavior have biological bases.  Science can turn feelings on and off, manipulate memory, induce hallucinations, and alter moods.  These are the tools of control.
  16. Controlling human behavior is largely a technical problem.  Science excels at solving technical problems.  Advances in controlling human behavior are highly probable.
  17. Public resistance won’t prevent these advances.  There will be no effective public resistance because technology will creep up on us, advancing a bit at a time.
  18. This is not science fiction.  Yesterday’s science fiction is today’s fact.  This scientific research is ongoing.
Human Race at a Crossroads
  1. Advances in human behavior technology will work unpredictably in the real world.  Human society is not a laboratory.  Educational psychology that works well in the laboratory usually has poor outcomes in the classroom.  Planned society rarely works, as planned.
  2. The system’s fate should play out in the coming decades.  The system desperately struggles to survive against threats that include human behavior.  It may survive if it gains control over us, in time.  Otherwise, it will break down.
  3. If the system survives, it will likely advance to its logical conclusion, total control over the Earth.  It will neutralize the human threat.  It will meet human needs to the extent that it needs humans.  We will be rendered docile, servile, and powerless.
  4. If the system survives, science will continue to advance human behavior technology to satisfy scientists’ psychological needs.  This is not for the “good of humanity”.  It is because solving technical problems is a surrogate activity that meets scientists’ psychological needs.
  5. If the system breaks down, humanity gets a second chance, says Kaczynski.  We can’t predict the outcome.  There will be chaos and trouble.  The greatest danger, he says, is that industrial society rebuilds itself and relights the factory fires.
  6. We have two tasks, says Kaczynski: 1) to heighten social stress and further weaken a stressed system, and 2) to propagate an ideology opposed to technological society.  This, he argues, will help bring down the system and help ensure that is smashed beyond repair after it fails.
Human Suffering
  1. Revolutionaries only hasten the breakdown, Kaczynski contends, which means less suffering.  We can only bring down a doomed system, he argues, delaying the breakdown only makes it more disastrous.  By hastening the breakdown, he says, we reduce the extent of the disaster.
  2. Our choice is not between life and death, Kaczynski argues, because death is not a choice.  The real choice, he says, is how we live: fighting for survival or suffering long but empty and purposeless lives.
  3. The system doesn’t ensure less suffering.  It inflicts suffering, worldwide: destroying cultures, degrading the environment, fueling population explosion, exploiting the developing world, triggering wars and crises.  It threatens our health and environment.  In malevolent hands, technology might destroy all life.
  4. Industrial society will never be scientific utopia.  The promises of scientific utopia repeatedly fail.  Society breaks down and we suffer more. The Brave New World never materializes because technical progress cannot predict its societal impacts.  We are trapped, with no easy escape.
The Future
  1. If industrial society does survive the next several decades, what might it look like?
  2. Science may use artificial intelligence and robotics to replace most human labor.  In that case, who is in control?  Humans or machines?
  3. If machines are in control, we are at their mercy.  Machines might seize control.  We might give them control because only machines can manage our complex system.  At that point, turning the machines off is suicide.
  4. If elite humans are in control, we face extermination or domestication.  People will be a growing burden, as machines replace us.  A ruthless elite might simply exterminate us.  This might be done humanely, using population control.  A benevolent elite might reduce us to domestic animals.  This elite might shepherd their docile flock, tending to our pointless lives.
  5. Technology will continue to replace human labor.  More people will be without work.  The workforce will face increasing demands: training, conformity, and specialization.  Fewer opportunities means more ruthless competition for status, the game more zero sum .
  6. It is hard to foresee a possible future that offers us opportunities for fulfilling lives.  If so, we either face social breakdown or less freedom.
  7. These are just likely futures.  It is hard to foresee better futures.  Technological society will likely continue long-term trends, more: dependency on technology, socialization, demands, stress, and human behavior technology.  Technology and genetic engineering know no bounds.  Humanity and other life may become unrecognizable.
  8. Humans evolved for the natural world, not technological society.  We are unlikely to adapt to this environment through natural selection.  Technology seems the likely route.
  9. It would be better to dump the whole stinking system, says Kaczynski,  and take the consequences.

Next: Part 7, Revolution and Leftism

The Unabomber Manifesto, Part 5: Reform

Industrial Society and its Future, Cont’d

The following continues a condensed summary of the Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society and its Future.  The ideas, below, are Kaczynski’s.  The headings and numbers are his.   This is no endorsement of violence or anarchy. The document is presented in parts.  Previous parts include:

Industrial-Technological Society Cannot be Reformed
  1. Only revolution can protect freedom over time. History shows the futility of reform.  Long-term, the industrial system grows at the expense of freedom.  Reform would be timid and ineffective. Large change is threatening, risky, and unpredictable. Only revolutionaries would risk radical change, and accept dangerous, unpredictable results.
  2. It is naive to believe we can reconcile freedom with technology.  That is not reform of industrial society, but reinventing society.  We can’t plan utopian society and expect it to function as planned. So, any new society will give unpredictable results and might collapse.
  3. In general, it seems highly unlikely we can reconcile freedom with technology. More specific reasons follow.
Restriction of Freedom is Unavoidable in Industrial Society
  1. Industrial society must control us in order to function.  We depend on the system for survival and basic security needs.  To meet those needs, the system must control our behavior with rules, regulations, and bureaucracies.  Increasingly, it must control us by shaping our minds, using manipulation and the education system.
  2. The system forces us ever further from natural human behavior. It forces children ever further from natural outdoor play, into unnatural classroom study and academic pressure.  The system pushes grudging boys into what it needs – science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.
  3. The relentless pressure to control us causes a growing backlash.  Growing numbers of people can’t or won’t conform: the dependent, gangs, rebels, radicals, saboteurs, dropouts and assorted resisters.
  4. Industrial society must manipulate and demean us, or it can’t function.  Our votes are insignificant.  Our decisions matter little.  Each day, we lose more control.  Propaganda peddles the illusion of control.
  5. Conservatives call for “local autonomy” that no longer exists.  Local communities completely depend on the larger system and are vulnerable to it, even to distant environmental threats.
  6. We serve industrial society, not the reverse.  This is not political ideology.  It is technical necessity.  The system meets basic human needs because it needs humans.  It meets some psychological needs for the same reason.  “Mental health” means not showing stress in a stressful system.
  7. Technical necessity limits autonomy.  Workers must sacrifice personal goals for enterprise goals, for the sake of the enterprise.  Industrial society requires most of us to lack autonomy.  Small businesses enjoy limited autonomy.  Nobody can escape technological change and remain competitive.
The ‘Bad’ Parts of Technology Cannot be Separated from the ‘Good’ Parts
  1. Industrial society cannot be reformed because its parts are interdependent.  The “good” can’t be separated from the “bad”.  We can’t have modern medicine without industrial society because modern medicine depends upon industrial society.
  2. Modern medicine brings good and bad.  Some people are genetically predisposed to disease.  The population becomes more vulnerable if modern medicine makes genetic susceptibility more widespread.  There are two solutions: eugenics or human genetic engineering.  Eugenics is unthinkable.  Human genetic engineering makes us a manufactured product.
  3. Human genetic engineering may be the ultimate threat to freedom.  Government regulation of human genetic engineering is needed or disaster beckons.  Government will first regulate human genetic engineering, then will regulate our children’s genetics.
  4. Extensive human genetic engineering is inevitable.  Its benefits are irresistible.  Protecting freedom requires banning human genetic engineering – which won’t happen.  Industrial society seems certain to make us a government regulated, manufactured product.
Technology is a More Powerful Social Force Than the Aspiration for Freedom
  1. Freedom loses when it compromises with technology.  Technology is more powerful and repeatedly forces us to compromise our freedom, bit by bit.  In the end, freedom vanishes.
  2. Technology is a far more powerful social force than the aspiration for freedom.
  3. Today’s innovations may threaten freedom, tomorrow.  Today’s optional technology may be required, tomorrow.  Automobiles were optional, once.  Transportation is required, today.  Our survival depends on the transportation system.  The price we pay includes transportation costs, licensing, insurance, regulation, and freedom from that system.
  4. Technology is a powerful social force because of our desires.  We desire small technical advances that accumulate to erode our freedom.  Few complain about electricity, indoor plumbing, or phones.  Technological society demands a price – that we surrender control and freedom.  We may yet become genetically engineered products at the price of our humanity.
  5. Technology is a powerful social force because it moves only forward.  We and the system depend on technology advancement.  As technology marches forward, it forces freedom to retreat.
  6. Industrial society rapidly advances, endlessly launching simultaneous attacks on our our freedom.  It invades our privacy, spies on us, spewing rules and regulations, and propagandizing us.  Resistance is futile.  No reform can stem technology’s overwhelming tide.
  7. Our governments, schools, institutions, and corporations manipulate us and trample our freedom and privacy.  Government, law enforcement, and corporations are inconvenienced by our freedom, privacy, and rights.  They believe their goals are more important.
  8. Psychology favors industrial society, not its opponents.  People work harder for rewards than to avoid punishment (negative outcome).  Industrial society rewards scientists and technicians, not its opponents.  Opponents are less motivated because they strive to avoid negative outcomes.  This weighs against reform efforts.
  9. Social arrangements are weak defenses against technological advance.  Laws, institutions, customs, and ethical codes change over time.  Technological advances are more lasting.  Social arrangements may pause technological advances, before breaking down, but lasting protection is an illusion.
  10. For these reasons, technology is a more powerful social force than freedom.  However, industrial society is under stress – economic, environmental, and social.  This may cause it to break down.  This may weaken it, such that revolution succeeds and freedom proves more powerful.
  11. If stress weakens the industrial system, Kaczynski argues, then we must destroy it.  We cannot compromise and let it recover, he says.  If it recovers, it will wipe out all of our freedom.
Simpler Social Problems Have Proved Intractable
  1. We can reform industrial society no better than we can deal with less complex social problems.  Society struggles with environmental protection, political corruption, domestic abuse, and drug trafficking.
  2. It is doubtful that we can ever succeed at rational, long-term social planning.  We leave the hard decisions and consequences to future generations.  We solve major social problems, rarely, if ever.  Problems are dealt with politically and not with rational planning.
  3. If we lack the capacity to solve less complex social problems, we can’t solve more complex social problems.  The problem of reconciling freedom with technology is far too complex for us to solve.
  4. Perhaps, we may solve our environmental problems.  If we do, that will require even more control, more effective “socialization”, less freedom, and less autonomy.

Next: Part 6, Crossroads